LAUDATIO (ENG)
University of Milano-Bicocca
Faculty
of Economics
Honorary Degree in Scienze
dell’economia
6 April 2005
Laudatio
of Professor Daniel Kahneman
by Pier Luigi Porta
Daniel
Kahneman stands
out today as the most relevant scientific figure in the realm of
the vigorous new wave of research on the widening common ground
shared by economists and psychologists. A psychologist by
training, his activity in research and teaching has now been
developing for many years at Princeton. A Nobel Laureate for
Economics in 2002, Kahneman was singled out by the Royal Swedish
Academy “for having integrated insights from psychological research
into economic science, especially concerning human judgment and
decision-making under uncertainty”. The rise of the subdiscipline
of cognitive economics, under full development nowadays,
could hardly be conceived without his own contributions to
research.
Kahneman’s
approach embodies, as it were, a retrieval of the tradition of
classical utilitarianism, from Jeremy Bentham down to John
Stuart Mill, to Francis Ysidro Edgeworth, to Maffeo Pantaleoni and
others. New experimental instruments and a new conceptual
apparatus have been designed by him in order to explore the world
behind choices: the realm of preferences. In the language
of economic theory, it is probably fair to say that the new
cognitive discipline can be conceived of as an alternative to the
behaviouristic approach implicit in the axiom of revealed
preferences, on which the standard economic approach to human
choice has long been based. The new line of research is of
comparatively recent development: think, for example, that it has
very little place in a staple reference work on the state of
Economics as a discipline today, such as the New Palgrave,
published in the 1980s by Macmillan.
The
relationship of Psychology and Economics goes back to the link of
pleasure and satisfaction to economic value in the philosophers of
the ancient world. Relevant episodes in the relationship are
connected, for example, with the famous
St. Petersburg’s paradoxes
putting forward a challenge to justify the finite value of an
infinite sum game; a challenge taken up by Daniel Bernoulli in
famous memoir of 1738, Specimen theoriae novae de mensura
sortis, precisely on the basis of a psychologic notion of
subjective value. More facts in the rich and complex
developments of the relationship of the two disciplines crop up
during the 19th and 20th century. Heinrich
Gossen, Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger, Maffeo Pantaleoni, Friedrich
Hayek provide relevant examples on the economists’ side; a further
step is represented by the Allais and Ellsberg paradoxes during the
1950s.
In spite of all the
above developments, however, Economics has ended up being conquered
by a growing emphasis on separation and autonomy with respect to
Psychology. We cannot discuss the issue in the present context and
we simply recall here that such an emphasis reflects a line of
thought stemming from very influential contributions, such as those
of Vilfredo Pareto, John Hicks, Lionel Robbins, John v. Neumann and
Oskar Morgenstern. That, as an approach to the problem, still is
largely part of the prevailing public image of Economics as a
scientific discipline.
That is why the
logical and rhetorical strategy of the economic science has been
based, at least since second half of the 19th century and
all through the 20th century, on the assumption that each
individual is endowed with stable and coherent preferences and that
he or she rationally maximizes those preferences, following the
well-known adage de gustibus non est disputandum, later
called into question by several authors. Under uncertainty, given a
set of options and probabilistic beliefs, an agent is supposed to
maximize the expected value of a specified utility function. The
canonical form of the economic problem then takes the shape of a
problem of optimisation – which is characteristic of the
economic approach such as it is described in Lord Robbins’
1932 classic treatment. In that perspective, Economics and
Psychology are disciplines altogether separate and working on
independent statutes. Although that approach was often thought of
in normative (rather than positive) terms, it is clear that
economics has come to be based on a solid rational set-up
which is what any student of Economics is first taught even today.
Vilfredo Pareto had even theorized of Economics as the discipline of
logical actions, i.e. actions motivated by instrumental rationality,
to be kept separate from Sociology which deals with non-logical
actions.
We are living
today a transition phase. It is one of the main achievements
Daniel Kahneman’ scientific work to have brought back at the centre
of the stage the connection between Psychology and Economics thus
giving rise to surprising and fascinating results. In Kahneman’s
view the formal consistency requirements of the so-called economic
rationality are psychologically impossible: they quite simply cannot
be met by the human mind. However it would be a mistake to conceive
of Kahneman’s position in the terms of a radical critique of
rationality. That position rather implies that the sole
realistic notion of rationality is the notion of bounded
rationality, the concept introduced by Herbert Simon.
Simon
– an immensely creative economist and certainly a non-mainstream
figure in the profession, sometimes perhaps rather reductively
mentioned as the father of artificial intelligence, and himself a
Nobel Laureate for Economics in 1978 – would speak of model of
‘olympic’ rationality for the standard case in the economic science
(cp. his Reason in Human Affairs, Stanford, 1983), a notion
he contrasts with bounded rationality; the latter leads to
substitute satisficing for optimization. With Simon’s work
the idea began to gain currency that what had constantly appeared to
be the more robust, elegant and general scheme of analysis (i.e. the
‘olympic’ one) had in fact to be set aside as insufficiently
specified and unable to bear the burden of providing a benchmark
rule of economic theorizing. ‘Bounded rationality’ has since
gradually turned familiar to a wide area of research spanning
Economics, Psychology, the Social Sciences and has become pivotal to
a whole wave of new studies on psychological processes underpinning
individual rationality and decisions.
However, it is only
through Daniel Kahneman’s research work that it has been possible to
understand more thoroughly why and, above all, how
rationality is limited and to explore the psychic mechanisms through
which the actual beliefs and preferences of the agents are
generated. Daniel Kahneman’s research presents a menu of important
ways that Economics has traditionally misunderstood human behaviour
thus ending up to endorse, in the name of rationality, misleading
arguments about human behaviour. A whole array of behavioural and
experimental applications – in the field of finance,
organization, decision theory and so on – prove the fruitfulness of
the approach and have improved economic analysis by incorporating
greater psychological realism. The research work in question has
been in part developed in collaboration with other authors, notably
with Amos Tversky and Richard Thaler.
Kahneman’s scientific work has increasingly become the object of
research and scientific discussion in Italy and in the European
Countries especially during the late years.
* * *
It is perhaps
possible to speak of a former phase of Daniel Kahneman’s
scientific activity, leading to the construction of his theory on
the framing of decisions. In an important work first
published in 1986 with Amos Tversky, “Rational Choice and the
Framing of Decisions”, the authors argue that “alternative
descriptions of a decision problem often give rise to different
preferences, contrary to the principle of invariance that underlies
the rational theory of choice”. The descriptive realism of the
scheme of rational choice is called into question by the fact that
it is impossible to stick to the classic ‘invariance principle’ –
which maintains a sort of ‘neutrality’ of preferences with respect
to the frame which provides the setting of their formation and where
the process of choice has its origin. There are rules that
govern the framing of decisions and it is necessary to take into
account the psychophysical principles of evaluation embodied in
prospect theory. Kahneman and Tversky’s prospect theory lays
the emphasis on a specific asymmetry in the process of evaluation
and individual judgement and leads to the conclusion that
different preferences take shape, according as a given
problem – with a given outcome in terms of expected utility – is
formulated in terms of possible gains rather than in terms of
possible losses. At the same time two different modes, though
logically equivalent, of specifying a problem can lead the decision
makers to different choices. In particular, since agents are
empirically more sensitive to losses than they are to gains (a
principle later to be called loss aversion by Kahneman and
Tversky), a frame which that highlights the losses associated
with a choice makes that choice less attractive.
We can understand
that Kahneman’s works consists of series of specifications,
routines, maps of bounded rationality (following the title of his
Nobel Lecture); specifications reflecting “the heuristics
that people use and the biases to which they are prone in
various tasks of judgment under uncertainty”, following a famous
Science article (with Amos Tversky) in 1974. What emerges is a
new theory – which includes, at least in part, the formation
of preferences – that provides an attack to the economic modelling
of behaviour insofar as they are based on the application of olympic
rationality (even if the latter were conceived in normative terms)
on the basis of given preferences.
* * *
The use of the
notion of olympic rationality contributes to build up a strong
tendency to identify the economic problem with a question of a
relationship between agent and commodities. Under the spell of
olympic rationality it is Robinson Crusoe – the man surviving on the
desert island – that forms the prototype of the economic agent, the
homo oeconomicus. Kahneman and Tversky’s approach, on the
contrary, is fully open to a conception of economics as the study of
relations among (personal) agents including the implied
strategic perspectives.
Moreover, in
Kahneman and Tversky’s approach, the root of the insufficient
descriptive power of ‘classical’ analysis of expected utility is
also linked with an exclusive focus of the latter on final states or
on the outcomes of a process of choice. Contrary to that, the logic
of the new approach implies a principle of reference-dependence
whereby “the carriers of value are gains and losses defined
relative to a reference point”. The transition from wealth to
variations of wealth as carriers of utility is in fact made
necessary precisely by that ‘irrational’ property of preferences
that has been called ‘loss aversion’ as hinted above. The approach
stems from a view of perception and judgment emphasizing that the a
“general property of perceptual systems is that they are designed to
enhance the accessibility of changes and differences”.
Both the above
characteristics (emphasis on relations and emphasis on
variations) lead to outline a subsequent phase of Daniel
Kahneman’s work. The latter phase is rather more directly linked
with the links of Economics to Happiness and adjoining fields. The
conceptual apparatus of traditional neoclassical theory in Economics
is, in a sense, too poor to be helpful in that direction and that is
a reason why studies on economics and happiness, now flourishing,
exhibit a distinctive heterodox character. In Kahneman’s view,
prevailing economic theory only takes decision utility into
account, but it forgets about experienced utility. Decision
utility implies a perfect continuity between preference and choice;
preferences, indeed, are inferred from choices. Experienced utility
brings us back to Bentham’s concept of utility as hedonic quality of
human experience which can studies and gauged independently of the
process of choice.
Recent works by
Daniel Kahneman have increasingly given relevance to a conceptual
definition and measurement of well-being and happiness. We may
mention here the collection of papers published by the Russell Sage
Foundation in 1999, ed. by Kahneman with Ed Diener and Norbert
Schwartz on Well-being: the Foundations of Hedonic Psychology.
On the same line I am pleased to mention here a contribution by
Kahneman in this room, as he took part to the Conference on the
Paradoxes of Happinessin Economics in 2003. Today also, in
his Lectio doctoralis, Daniel Kahneman is expected to
retrieve some fundamental concepts of his analysis, such as
attention and utility, with a view to offer a contribution on
economics and happiness, thus making clear the unity and continuity
of his own research program through its subsequent phases.
Studies on
economics and happiness were brought to renewed like by Tibor
Scitovsky and by Richard Easterlin by the mid-1970s and they are
now flourishing also as a result of Daniel Kahneman’s
contribution. Kahneman himself has explained that Scitosvky had
scarce audience especially among economists as he was trying to
retrieve (in substance) Bentham’s notion of experienced utility
especially in order to explain the dramatic distorsion afflicting
our economies nowadays and which is the consequence of an excessive
attention on comfort (which involves a passive attitude of
the consumer) to the detriment of stimulation and happiness (which
in turn imply creativity and active participation). Such
macroscopic phenomena continue to be more or less ‘invisible’ to the
income measures in Macroeconomics.
Daniel Kahneman
contends that a closer look at emotions, affections, sensations and
in general at edonic experiences is necessary today in order to
offer a more solid and constructive basis for welfare and felicific
calculus compared to the income and product calculations used in
Economics.
At the present
moment Kahneman’s researches on the subject of happiness aim at the
practical result of finding an “index of national welfare” to be
substituted for income as a standard indicator. Kahneman’s
researches on the concept and measurement on objective happiness
are of great significance.
As already hinted,
the recent developments on economics and happiness have emphasized
the need for distinguishing the use of commodities and the
involvement in human relations. If Economics, from the
discipline of optimisation, is transformed into a discipline of
personal relationships and interactions, this fact can be seen as an
indication a reconsideration of Adam Smith’s system stressing the
links between the Wealth of Nations and the Theory of
Moral Sentiments leading to a much richer image of him compared
to the traditional neoclassical rationality view of Smith.
A well-known
theoretical economist, Luigi Pasinetti, in introducing the Bicocca
Conference on the Paradoxes of happiness two years ago, expressed
the opinion that the problems and the perspectives opened by
Kahneman’s thought can provide an opportunity for reviving the
classical paradigm in Political economy, a Smithian paradigm in the
first place. Also in this historico-analytic perspective, the
interaction between Psychology and Economics – as it emerges from
Kahneman’s reaerch work – questions the status of the ‘normal
science’, throws new light on the significance and on the limits of
economic thinking and opens the way to new possibilities and
applications.
Finally I am very happy to report the
vote of Department of Political Economy of Bicocca.
The Department, early in the New
Millennium (the Bicocca University had just been founded),
ventured to propose the award of an honorary degree to Professor
Daniel Kahneman.
We are most grateful to the Faculty of
Economics and to the Senate of this University, in particular to the
Rector and to the Dean of the Faculty, who have been prompt and
earnest in taking up the suggestion.
It is a great event and a great joy
to host Professor Kahneman today and to associate him to our
University with an honorary degree in Economics.
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